It has been reported by some studies that the desire to be involved in decisions concerning one’s healthcare especially with regard to obtaining informed consent is related to educational status. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to assess the influence of educational status on attitude towards informed consent practice in three south-eastern Nigerian communities.

Postcolonial African Philosophy: A Critical Reader sets out a timely and powerful agenda for contemporary African, Afro-Caribbean, and African American philosophy.

In recent years, international economic pressures have induced Nigeria to adopt a program of economic liberalization and deregulation. Advocates of the reforms tout their potential not only for generating greater economic growth, but also for contributing to more responsible corporate governance. Sceptics abound. This paper provides an account of the nature of corporate governance in Nigeria and investigates the prospects for recent reforms contributing to more responsible governance and development.

Following in the footsteps of Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart, the tenor of the postcolonial African culture has been justifiably anti-imperialist. In the 21st century, however, there has been a gradual but certain shift away from the “write-back” discourse paradigm, towards more integrative, globally inflected cultural interpretive models in Africa. This book celebrates the emergence of new interpretive paradigms such as in African philosophy, gender studies and literature.

A collective choice mechanism can be viewed as a game in normal form; in this article it is shown, for very attractive rules and for sets with any number of alternatives, how individuals involved in a collective decision problem can construct the preferences they choose to express. An example is given with a version of plurality rule. Manipulability results are deduced from such a characterization.

Bringing together canonical philosophical texts from African, African-American, Afro-Caribbean, and Black European thinkers, this major new anthology is designed to serve both as a textbook and as the authoritative reference volume in Africana philosophical and cultural studies.

Partant du principe que l’idéal démocratique est une norme universelle, la discussion au coeur de ce travail soulève une série de questions causuistiques liées à la mise en oeuvre concrète des démocratiques dans toute société humain, quels que soient ses particularismes socio-historiques et culturels. Cette démarche découle entièrement de l’hypothèse suivant laquelle le problème fondamental de la démocratisation, autrement dit de la domiciliation de l’idéal démocratique, se ramène à celui de son ap-propriation, d l’adaption du principle universal aux structures de (...) base d’une société donnée, produit de conditions socio-culturelles, religieuses, politiques et économiques. Dans le but de dévoiler l’enjeu primordial qui polarise les différents aspects de la question, nous tentons, en premier temps, de mettre en évidence la ‘particularité culturelle’ du modèle de la démocratie libérale. Cette tenative débouche, en fin de compte, sur une remise en question de la prétention universaliste de la démocratie occidentale. Nous discutons ensuite des difficult ensuite des difficultés practiques qu’entraînent l’exigence traditionnelle du multipartisme et la définition des droits et libertés de base dans tout processus de démocratisation. Notre objectif, en abordant ces différentes questions, est de faire ressortir, avant tout, le caractére inextricable, voire insoluble, des problèmes practiques que soulève l’appropriation socio-culturelle de l’idéal démocratique, lesquels problèmes imposent de recourir à une méthode d’analyse cauistique des processus de démocratisation et de ne plus se satisfaire de l’universalisme abstrait et dogmatique. (shrink)

Le formalisme qui caractérise si bien la morale kantienne demeure sans conteste un des aspects les plus critiqués de sa pensée. Pour notre part, nous nous situons ici dans une perspective qui considère que le formalisme kantien est victime d'une longue tradition critique qui a fini par perdre de vue la portée réelle, sinon l'essence même de la morale de Kant. Notre propos ne sera pas pour autant une réponse directe aux différentes critiques qui ont été adressées à Kant sur (...) cette question. Nous éviterons autant que possible ce que d'aucuns seraient tentés de qualifier de veine et anachronique plaidoirie du formalisme kantien. (shrink)

Most nonhuman animals live on the terms imposed on them by human beings. This condition of being under the mastery of another, or domination, is what republicanism identifies as political unfreedom. Yet there are several problems that must be solved in order to successfully extend republicanism to animals. Here I focus on the question of whether freedom can be a benefit for individuals without a free will. I argue that once we understand the grounds that make freedom a desirable property (...) of choices, we can see how it is appropriate to predicate it of those made by any sentient agent. (shrink)

Wild animals probably have net negative lives. Christine Korsgaard rejects the view that we might engineer paradise by redesigning nature and animals so that they have the best possible existences. She believes the genetic changes required would not be identity-preserving, thereby causing animals to cease to exist. I argue, first, that paradise engineering is permissible. Many harms are caused by non-sentient natural entities and processes. Moreover, sentient animals can survive modifications compatible with their psychological persistence over time. Second, we are (...) required to re-engineer nature in order to satisfy animals' right to the resources necessary for a reasonable life. (shrink)

There are international and so-called “global” forces framing Africa within a larger world, a world structured predominantly by Europe and North America and their needs for raw materials and markets, power, and leisure. This paper therefore pursues questions like, “What does democracy mean for Africans today?” and, “What does freedom mean when colonial liberation has been achieved?” or, to be more precise, “What is democracy in the world today from an African perspective?”. I distinguish between freedom (as the exercise of (...) autonomy and accompanying responsibility), and liberation (as the throwing off of foreign domination). I argue that democracy should be understood as a “concern for freedoms” (religious, economic, or political), and that democratic law seeks, in principle, the most space for the exercise of freedom for everyone. This conception of democracy is quite naturally the “other” face of the independence and liberation movements throughout Africa. (shrink)

On expectation, most wild animals have lives of net suffering due to naturogenic causes. Some have claimed that concern for their well-being gives us reasons to intervene in nature on their behalf. Against this, it has been said that many interventions to assist wild animals would be wrong, even if successful, because they would violate their freedom. According to the Freedom-based Approach I defend in this paper, this view is misguided. Concern for wild animal freedom does indeed gives us reasons (...) to secure these animals against control-undermining interferences, but also to intervene in nature in order to enrich their choices. (shrink)

_Achieving Our Humanity_ explores a postracial future through a philosophical analysis of the social, cultural, economic and political experiences of race in the past and what this might mean for our present and, most importantly, our future.

Nonhuman animals are unable to exert any direct control over the functioning of democratic institutions –the decisions of which, nevertheless, have a pervasive impact on their lives. Their interests are therefore likelier to be set back or unfairly discounted, and their choices are more vulnerable to arbitrary interference. Because of this, some authors have suggested that we ought to redesign our political institutions so that they are more responsive to the interests of animals. We argue that this strategy fails to (...) address the root of the problem, which is animals’ lack of robust political agency. We defend that, should it become technologically feasible, we have a pro tanto obligation, derived from the values that underpin democracy, to uplift, or radically enhance, the political agency of nonhuman animals, so that they can better participate in mass democratic politics, express their interests as they see them, self-organise to defend them, and hold their representatives accountable. Finally, we explain how our argument manages to resist the most important objections against animal enhancement and, in some cases, it does so better than alternative proposals based on the value of animal well-being. (shrink)

Treatment informed consent aims to preserve the autonomy of patients in the clinician – patient relationship so as to ensure valid consent. An acceptable method of evaluating understanding of consent information is by assessing the extent of recall by patients of the pieces information believed to have been passed across. When concerns are not satisfactorily addressed from the patients’ perspective, recall of consent information may be low. This study is a questionnaire – based cross – sectional interview of consecutive adult (...) surgical patients who could give their respective medical histories and who were booked for elective major surgical procedures over a period of 7 months in a tertiary health institution in southeastern Nigeria. Four to five days after a formal consent session, during ward admission, extent of recall of information on the nature of the disease condition or diagnosis, the nature of the planned procedure and the risks involved in the planned procedure were assessed and analyzed on the background of how satisfying the consent sessions were from individual patient’s perspective. Generally, the recall of nature of disease condition and nature of planned procedure is better than recall of risks involved in the planned procedure. More specifically however, recall in these 3 domains is significantly better among the patients that affirmed that their concerns were satisfactorily addressed. The findings from this study support that no effort should be spared in ensuring that the consent information are satisfying to the patients from the patients’ viewpoint. (shrink)

Le principe d’induction est lié à la définition des nombres entiers d’une façon à la fois essentielle et sujette à controverse. Fonde-t-il ces nombres, ou bien trouve-t-il en eux son fondement ? Son statut lui-même peut être conçu de diverses manières. Est-il donné par l’expérience, par l’intuition, par la logique, par convention ? Ces questions furent l’objet d’une âpre discussion, autour des années 1905-1906, dans le cadre plus large d’un débat sur les fondements des mathématiques qui opposa Poincaré aux logicistes (...) et aux « axiomatistes » . Nous proposons dans cet article de faire le point sur les termes et les enjeux de cette discussion. Nous montrerons en outre qu’elle fut l’occasion d’une redéfinition de l’analytique et, par suite, des frontières de la logique.The principle of induction is linked essentially to the definition of “integers”, but at the same time has been the subject of controversy : Is the principle founded on integers or, on the contrary, are integers founded on it ? The principle itself can be understood in different ways : as a result of experiment, intuition, logic or convention. These topics were hotly debated in the years 1905-06, in the context of a larger debate on the foundations of mathematics, in which Poincaré opposed the logicists and the “axiomatists” . This article reconsiders what is at stake by looking at the debate in detail and also shows that the debate provided an opportunity for redefining analyticity, and in doing so, redefining the domain of logic. (shrink)

La conscience démocratique est aujourd'hui en proie à une querelle sourde qui oppose les universalistes et les relativistes dans la défense des idéaux des droits de l'homme et de la démocratie. L'idéal démocratique est-il, oui ou non, un impératif catégorique universel valable pour toute société humaine quels qu'en soient l'héritage culturel et les particularismes socio-politiques, ou n'est-il qu'un idéal contingent promu par une civilisation occidentale triomphante? Telle est la question lancinante au cœur d'une controverse qui échoue in fine dans une (...) confrontation sans issue entre raison universaliste et raison historiciste sur le statut normatif de l'idéal démocratique. L'objectif premier de ce livre est d'apporter une solution théorique à cette impasse dans une interprétation formaliste-universaliste inspirée du formalisme kantien visant à préserver, contre les dérives dogmatiques, la valeur normative intrinsèque de l'idéal démocratique. Il en découle, au point de vue de l'éthique politique, un enseignement pratique qui est qu'on ne peut légitimement universaliser un modèle particulier de la démocratie, quel qu'il soit, ni relativiser sous aucun prétexte l'universel démocratique, qui demeure tout à la fois de portée universelle et d'application historique. Car, en effet, comment concilier l'aspiration à l'universel, gage de notre commune humanité, et le respect des particularismes nourri par la conviction que l'expérience humaine se tisse, toujours et tout entière, dans et par une histoire particulière? Partant donc de la nécessité d'accorder l'exigence d'universalité avec la vérité de l'historicité - le double héritage structurant l'univers intellectuel contemporain -, l'auteur s'efforce de raffermir sur des bases théoriques solides, autrement dit de transformer en certitude démontrée le sentiment aujourd'hui répandu qui veut que les idéaux normatifs à vocation universelle puissent être adaptés et réappropriés au sein de chaque contexte socio-historique et culturel. S'il est vrai que la démarche critique se déclare plus souvent ennemi du sens commun, il est des moments où elle doit voler à son secours. C'est le pari que fait ce livre. (shrink)

La conscience democratique contemporaine est heritiere de deux traditions de pensee antagonistes qui sont, d'un cote, l'universalisme des Lumieres symbolise par la Declaration universelle des droits de l'homme et du citoyen, et de l'autre le relativisme historique legue par l'Ecole historique du droit et les courants de pensee historicistes. Il tient en deux positions de principe: l'affirmation peremptoire, d'une part, de l'universalite des ideaux de la democratie et des droits de l'homme; la legitimation, d'autre part, des particularismes identitaires et socio-culturels (...) comme source constitutives de valeurs. D'ou precisement l'antagonisme entre vision universaliste et vision relativiste sur le statut axiologique de l'ideal democratique. ;C'est a cette question, redefinie a l'interieur du paradigme de la philosophie morale de Kant, que nous avons tente d'apporter une solution theorique qui fait droit aussi bien a la pretention universaliste de la norme democratique qu'a la "verite" de la conscience historique. ;L'ideal democratique ou l'Idee republicaine, s'il peut etre considere comme l'analogue politique de l'imperatif categorique, c'est d'abord parce qu'il peut etre pense, au titre de principe de l'ordre politique juste absolument, comme forme a priori de la raison, bien qu'il soit apparu dans une periode historique determinee et dans une ere culturelle particuliere, c'est-a-dire en Europe au XVIII$\rm\sp{e}$ siecle s'agissant specifiquement de l'ideal moderne de la democratie. ;Cette interpretation kantienne du statut de l'ideal democratique nous amene a prendre partie pour un universalisme formel, qui s'articule autour du lien etroit et necessaire devant prevaloir entre l'universel et le particulier. C'est ce lien que nie, en meme temps qu'elle le rompt, la rivalite traditionnelle entre l'universalisme dogmatique et le relativisme sans reserve. Aussi bien, contre le premier, l'universalisme formel inscrit l'universel dans la forme a priori de la raison comme en son lieu axiologique propre, jamais dans un contenu reel ou historique. Au second, il oppose l'horizon du formalisme kantien comme celui du discours universaliste, l'horizon qui rend possible et legitime la reference a l'universel democratique. ;C'est a cette condition qu'il nous parai t possible de justifier a la fois l'idee d'un imperatif categorique democratique et l'historicite essentielle des "experiences de l'universel" nourries par les singularismes socio-culturels et historiques. Ainsi, sommes-nous parvenu a esquisser les grandes lignes d'une interpretation kantienne du statut de l'ideal democratique, une interpretation universaliste-formaliste qui tient tete autant au dogmatisme moral qu'au relativisme sans bornes. (shrink)

The spiritual restlessness of millennials rests on a legitimate search that is hardly satisfied by the structure that we find in traditional religions. Yet, the preponderance of ecumenical initiatives in contemporary society means that there are forms of spiritual ecumenical practices that might serve as a solution. Beyond serving the central interest of ecumenism, namely Christian unity, these forms of ecumenical spiritualities may provide spaces for the millennial encounter with the divine in a way that holds their constant spiritual “negotiation” (...) in balance with the need for some form of “habitation” that institutional religion provides. This article investigates how spiritual ecumenism is best suited for responding to the quest of millennials, and it equally provides concrete examples to justify such a claim. (shrink)

Indigenous spiritualities among Africans, both in Africa and in the diaspora, are flourishing. In Lagos, Nigeria, for example, shrines compete with churches and mosques in adherents and positions. Beyond Africa, the rise of African spiritualities has become conspicuous. Reasons range from Afrocentrism to anti-religious tendencies to the popular religions, from racial animosity to politico-economic ideologies, yet insufficient attention is being paid to this new Afro-spiritualities. Can this renaissance in African spirituality bring forth or support a renaissance in Africa? Africa arguably (...) domesticates the future of humanity. From ecological perspectives to the productivity of offspring, from economic potentials to viable youths for the future, Africa must become progressively discursive in the global platform. A good way to indulge in this would be to understand the spirit of Africa, in the traditional spiritualities that constructed orientations and worldviews of the people. Understanding and addressing African spiritualities constitute an important key in understanding the African identity. (shrink)

On réduit habituellement les idées de Kronecker sur les fondements des mathématiques à quelque boutade ou à quelques principes rétrogrades. Ces idées constituent pourtant une doctrine originale et cohérente, justifiée par des convictions épistémologiques. Cette doctrine apparaît dans un article intitulé ‘Sur le concept de nombre’, paru en 1887 dans le Journal de Crelle, et surtout dans le dernier cours professé par Kronecker à Berlin au semestre d’été 1891. Le but de cet article est d’en préciser les principes et les (...) éléments en la comparant aux autres entreprises de fondement, afin d’en souligner l’originalité, et de montrer comment elle a déterminé la pratique mathématique de Kronecker. (shrink)

On réduit habituellement les idées de Kronecker sur les fondements des mathématiques à quelque boutade ou à quelques principes rétrogrades. Ces idées constituent pourtant une doctrine originale et cohérente, justifiée par des convictions épistémologiques. Cette doctrine apparaît dans un article intitulé ‘Sur le concept de nombre’, paru en 1887 dans le Journal de Crelle, et surtout dans le dernier cours professé par Kronecker à Berlin au semestre d’été 1891. Le but de cet article est d’en préciser les principes et les (...) éléments en la comparant aux autres entreprises de fondement, afin d’en souligner l’originalité, et de montrer comment elle a déterminé la pratique mathématique de Kronecker. (shrink)

There are international and so-called “global” forces framing Africa within a larger world, a world structured predominantly by Europe and North America and their needs for raw materials and markets, power, and leisure. This paper therefore pursues questions like, “What does democracy mean for Africans today?” and, “What does freedom mean when colonial liberation has been achieved?” or, to be more precise, “What is democracy in the world today from an African perspective?”. I distinguish between freedom (as the exercise of (...) autonomy and accompanying responsibility), and liberation (as the throwing off of foreign domination). I argue that democracy should be understood as a “concern for freedoms” (religious, economic, or political), and that democratic law seeks, in principle, the most space for the exercise of freedom for everyone. This conception of democracy is quite naturally the “other” face of the independence and liberation movements throughout Africa. (shrink)

Given that Enlightenment rationality developed in Europe as European nations aggressively claimed other parts of the world for their own enrichment, scholars have made rationality the subject of postcolonial critique, questioning its universality and objectivity. In _On Reason_, the late philosopher Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze demonstrates that rationality, and by extension philosophy, need not be renounced as manifestations or tools of Western imperialism. Examining reason in connection to the politics of difference—the cluster of issues known variously as cultural diversity, political correctness, (...) the culture wars, and identity politics—Eze expounds a rigorous argument that reason is produced through and because of difference. In so doing, he preserves reason as a human property while at the same time showing that it cannot be thought outside the realities of cultural diversity. Advocating rationality in a multicultural world, he proposes new ways of affirming both identity and difference. Eze draws on an extraordinary command of Western philosophical thought and a deep knowledge of African philosophy and cultural traditions. He explores models of rationality in the thought of philosophers from Aristotle, René Descartes, Francis Bacon, and Thomas Hobbes to Noam Chomsky, Richard Rorty, Hilary Putnam, and Jacques Derrida, and he considers portrayals of reason in the work of the African thinkers and novelists Chinua Achebe, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, and Wole Soyinka. Eze reflects on contemporary thought about genetics, race, and postcolonial historiography as well as on the interplay between reason and unreason in the hearings of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. He contends that while rationality may have a foundational formality, any understanding of its foundation and form is dynamic, always based in historical and cultural circumstances. (shrink)

Most non-human animals live in the wild and it is probable that suffering predominates in their lives due to natural events. Humans may at some point be able to engage in paradise engineering, or the modification of nature and animal organisms themselves, to improve the well-being of wild animals. We may, in other words, make nature 'red in tooth and claw' no more. We argue that this creates a tension between environmental ethics and animal ethics which is likely insurmountable. First, (...) we argue that concern for the environment can be compatible with helping individual wild animals but should see redesigning nature as morally impermissible. Second, we argue that if we are concerned with animal well-being, we may reject that we have a duty to help wild animals even to the point of redesigning nature, but we must nevertheless concede that it is permissible to do so under certain circumstances. We show how this permissibility can be derived from three animal rights views: Tom Regan's, a novel account inspired by Thomas Pogge and a libertarian approach to animal rights. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 61.4 (2000) 691-698 [Access article in PDF] Hume, Race, and Human Nature Emmanuel C. Eze Introduction John Immerwahr recently wrote in the Journal of the History of Ideas, "While Hume is generally known as an enemy of prejudice and intolerance, he is also infamous as a proponent of philosophical racism." 1 I am intrigued by this suggestion that Hume's is a "philosophical racism"; (...) one wonders: how many brands of racisms are there? What does "philosophical" racism mean? Assuming that philosophical racism is something which we wish to take notice of, what part of Hume's philosophy sustains it? How much of Hume's philosophy may be affected by this, and how profound?On the surface it seems not to make sense to ask, for example, how profound Hume's "philosophical racism" is or how deeply racist his philosophical works may be. The question appears contrived because, currently, every reference in the literature seem to point to only a footnote: I am apt to suspect the Negroes and in general all other species of men (for there are four or five different kinds) to be naturally inferior to the whites. There never was a civilized nation of any other complexion than white, nor even any individual eminent either in action or speculation. No ingenious manufacturers amongst them, no arts, no sciences. On the other hand, the most rude and barbarous of the whites, such as the ancient GERMANS, the present TARTARS, have still something eminent about them, in their valour, form of government, or some other particular. Such a uniform and constant difference could not happen, in so many countries and ages, if nature had not made an original distinction betwixt these breeds of men. Not to mention our colonies, there are NEGROE slaves dispersed all over EUROPE, of which none ever discovered [End Page 691] any symptoms of ingenuity; tho' low people, without education, will start up amongst us, and distinguish themselves in every profession. In JAMAICA, indeed, they talk of one negroe as a man of parts and learning; but 'tis likely he is admired for very slender accomplishments, like a parrot, who speaks a few words plainly. 2This was added, between 1753 and 1754, to the essay "Of National Characters." It was also revised in the final edition of the Essays: Moral, Political and Literary, which Hume had prepared shortly before he died in 1777. 3 Meanwhile, the original version of "Of National Characters" was written in 1748.An equally reasonable point of view on the matter, however, is to show that, far from being philosophically unimportant or an after-thought, the footnote, both its addition several years after the original essay was written and its maintenance in the subsequent revisions by Hume, suggests that the ideas expressed therein were important to the author and, significantly, to the arguments of "Of National Characters." It is known that by 1770 James Beattie, in An Essay on the Nature and Immutability of Truth, in Opposition to Sophistry and Skepticism, had extensively criticized "Of National Character," specifically the note under consideration. Hume was aware of this and other criticisms and responded or commented on them in letters to friends, among other places. In a letter to his friend and publisher, William Straham, later published in London Chronicle (12-14 June 1777), Hume discussed dismissively criticisms from Thomas Reid and James Beattie, referring to the latter as "a bigoted silly fellow." 4 The fact that it survived Hume's multiple revisions and remained part of the Essays and was publicly defended from criticisms invites one not to dismiss this lengthy addition as marginal to Hume's thought but rather to determine why he might have felt it needed to be added in the first place, revised, and critically defended in what is now its definitive version. Relevant specific questions would be: why, of all other possible places (I have in mind, for example, a comparable essay "Of the populousness of ancient nations"), was the footnote added here? How does the opinion in this note relate to... (shrink)

In the first part of Habermas' Theory of Communicative Action, Africa serves as the paradigmatic “mythical” world against which the author establishes the achievements of the modern “rational” worldview.1 In addition, the modern societies analyzed through concepts such as “internal colonization,” “the uncoupling of system and lifeworld,” “the welfare state,” etc., in the second volume of that work are capitalist nation-states whose economic and political growth presupposed, from the 17th century on, imperial dominions, slavery, colonization and accompanying ideologies of white (...) supremacy.2 Thus, in Habermas' thought, Africa is present only as a negative case.3When Talcott Parsons wrote that 'What…. (shrink)

This work is a sustained re-examination of philosophy's conception of "rationality" in general and "philosophic rationality" in particular. The history of Western philosophy is strongly marked by an objectivist conception of reason. Plato, Aristotle and Descartes believed that absolute and eternal Truth is accessible, and through their influence on Hume, Kant and Hegel among others, the history of modern European philosophy became one long quest for absolute certainty, total knowledge and "scientific" philosophy. ;Critical Modernism wants to construct a "chastened" idea (...) of reason, while maintaining that the emancipatory ideals of the Enlightenment can be invigorated by addressing its weaknesses and defending its strengths. The theory of "communicative rationality," which is meant to fulfill this goal, claims to be comprehensive, fallible, criticizable, revisable and yet lays claim to objectivity. In contrast to critical modernism, however, is a Wittgenstein-inspired relativist trend which proposes a "language-game" theory of rationality . Under this conception, what is "rational" or "irrational" is held to be intersubjectively constituted within irreducible and variable contexts of "languages." ;This work does not take a position for or against objectivism or relativism, Habermas or Winch, but seeks to transcend both oppositions through an indirect critique that puts into question the very framing of the problem. The work establishes not only an alternative conception of rationality but also an idea of philosophical pluralism that allows for a revision of the framing of the question. This is accomplished through entering into the traditions of African philosophy and deriving from them a model of a metaphysical and epistemological framework that grounds itself outside of the objectivism-relativism problematic in its current strictural frame. This model, derived from the Ifa tradition, maintains dialogue with the Western traditions, but exposes the objectivism-relativism debate as falsely framed and provides from its own resources epistemological categories that place the problematic in a fresh context, within a larger, wider, pluralist, rational and philosophic worldview. (shrink)

Key historical landmark research malpractice scandals that shocked the international community were the origin of the institution of ethics review prior to carrying out research involving humans. Nonetheless, it is plausible that unethical research is ongoing or may have been conducted in recent times that has escaped public notice, especially in the vulnerable low- and middle-income country contexts. The basic constitution of these committees at some point has not been clearly defined, with most scientists declaring political maneuvers at times. These (...) committees today are characterized by bureaucratic bottlenecks, financial interests, inadequate training in research ethics, and lack of control and coordination of their functions. Compulsory and adequate research ethics training for researchers and ethical committee members could guarantee trust, and appreciation of the utmost importance... (shrink)